CHINESE TRIAD SOCIETY

T. Wing Lo, PhD

Professor and Head, Department of Applied Social Studies, City University of Hong Kong

Sharon Ingrid Kwok, MSc

PhD student, Department of Applied Social Studies, City University of Hong Kong

Introduction

General Overviews

Organizational Structure

Subculture

Activities

Triads and Youth Gangs

Policing and Regulating Triads

Transnationalization of Triad Organized Crime

Mainlandization of Triad Organized Crime

Introduction

In the seventeenth century, the Chinese triad society, also known as the Hung Mun, Tien Tei Wei

(Heaven and Earth Society) or San Hwo Hui (Three United Society), was founded to overthrow the

Ch’ing Dynasty and restore the Ming Dynasty in China. Guided by a strong patriotic doctrine, the triad

maintained a rigid central control over the behavior and activities of its members, who regarded

themselves as blood brothers and were expected to be loyal and righteous. The early triad society still

maintained its secret and cultural features, as reflected in its paraphernalia, organizational structure,

recruitment mechanism, initiation ceremony, oaths, rituals, secret codes, and communication system.

There were clear rules, codes of conduct, and chains of command. In the early 1900s, the Hung Mun

gradually disintegrated into many triad societies or gangs that operated independently from each other

in different parts of China. With the Chinese Communist Party in power in 1949, many triad members

escaped to Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan and Chinatowns in overseas countries together with

thousands of refugees. In the beginning, refugees from the same ethnic groups united themselves to

protect their own interest against other ethnic groups in a definite neighborhood. With the infiltration of

triad elements, some of these groups were gradually transformed into triad societies (or tongs in

Chinatowns overseas) which used violence to protect them in a dominated territory. In postwar

decades, Hong Kong was the capital of triads and it was suggested by a police commissioner that one

in every six of the 3-million Hong Kong inhabitants was a triad member. Because of their entrenched

subculture and cohesion, triads are regarded as effective in enforcing control in local territories, but it is

argued that their hierarchical structure is incompatible with the dynamic nature of many forms of

transnational organized crime, such as human smuggling. On the other hand, China’s open door policy

in the 1980s encouraged triads to shift their money-making focus onto mainland China. In view of

assistance provided by triads to smuggle out democratic leaders after the Tiananmen crackdown in

1989 and China’s resumption of sovereignty of Hong Kong in 1997, China applied a ‘united front’ tactic

to recruit Hong Kong triads to the communist camp. A label of patriotic triad was bestowed on triad

leaders, who were able to set foot in China. Triads experienced a process of mainlandization as a

result of China’s economic growth and rising demand for limited goods and services. They network

with Chinese officials and enterprises and forge cooperative relationships with mainland criminal

groups, trying to capitalize in the booming underworld. They exchange crime techniques with the

Chinese counterparts and import sex workers and dangerous drugs from mainland into Hong Kong.

Today, a business approach has developed alongside the traditional triad crime. Triads have been

engaged in legitimate businesses and worked with entrepreneurs and professionals to make financial

gain in business markets. They are less structurally organized than their patriotic counterparts of the

past, and triad rituals are simplified.

General Overviews

Early works on triad societies focused on history and rituals that were based on those used in Hung

Mun in ancient times. They described triad myths as the origin of patriotic culture. Among them,

Schlegel 1866, Stanton 1900 and Morgan 1960 are authoritative triad literature accepted in the court of

Hong Kong. They are often referred to by the police in prosecuting offences related to triad

membership. Chu 2000 provides a description of the development of triad societies in Hong Kong. He

argued that the emergence of triads in Hong Kong was not a response to local needs, nor a purposive

migration of triads from mainland China, but rather a consequence of influx of refugees from mainland

to Hong Kong during the post-war and post-communist takeover decades. Chin 1990 found that

ordinary street crimes, such as vice, gambling, extortion, and drug dealing, are facilitated by the

traditional triad hierarchical structure. Through such structural and subcultural control, triad societies

are able to compel their members to run illicit activities. Liu 2001 also provides a comprehensive

background of triad history, activities, political involvement, relationships with Chinese officials, and

operations in overseas markets. Lo and Kwok 2012 examined the impact of socio-economic changes

on triad organized crime in modern times. They contended that triads are abided by the same code of

conduct and chain of commands that assure the formation of blood brothers with one solitary

aspiration. With such authority and manipulation amid the triad syndicate, this aspiration inevitably

results in the running of illicit activities in triad-controlled territories. As a result of socio-economic

changes, triads move from localization to mainlandization, triad brotherhood to entrepreneurship, and

cohesion to disorganization. Lo and Kwok 2013 suggested that as the intimacy between Hong Kong

and China grew deeper, an upsurge of cross-border crime has emerged since the 1990s. Prosperity in

China caused a process of mainlandization of triad activities because of an ever-increasing demand of

licit and illicit services in Chinese communities. The relationship between triads, tongs and

transnational organized crime is examined.

Liu, B. (2001), The Hong Kong Triad Societies: Before and After the 1997 Change-Over. Hong Kong:

Net e-Publishing.

The book documents the history of triad societies and provides a detailed account of triad

activities in different settings, such as schools, communities, entertainment and film industry,

and casino. The development of triad societies in Hong Kong and overseas countries is

discussed. A chapter on the relationship between Hong Kong triads and Beijing officials is

worth reading.

Lo, T.W., & Kwok, S.I. (2012). Traditional organized crime in the modern world: How triad societies

respond to socioeconomic change. In D. Siegel & H. van de Bunt (Eds.), Traditional organized crime in

the modern world (pp.67-89). New York: Springer.

The paper contends that triads were cohesive criminal organizations focally aimed at monetary

gain in dominated territories. Socioeconomic changes in Hong Kong and China have forced

triads to move from a rigid territorial base and cohesive structure to more reliance on flexible

and instrumental social networks. They are entrepreneurially oriented and involved in a wide

range of licit and illicit businesses based in Hong Kong but spread to mainland China. Different

kinds of crime are discussed.

Lo, T.W., & Kwok, S.I. (2013). Triads and Tongs. In Gerben Bruinsma & David Weisburd (Eds.),

Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice (pp.5332-5343). New York: Springer.

This paper provides an overview of Chinese triad societies, their organizational structure,

rituals and subculture, criminal activities, and issues related to the patriotic triads and

mainlandization of triad activities. It has a special section on the discussion of tong and its

relations with triads and transnational organized crime.

Chin, K. (1990). Chinese subculture and criminality: Non-traditional crime group in America. Westport:

Greenwood Press.

This book portrays triad as an ancient Chinese secret society, bound by oaths, regarded

members as blood brothers in one family, and dedicated to restoring the ancient ruler to the

throne at the beginning, and later became criminal syndicates using partial rituals for their own

money-making purposes.

Chu, Y.K. (2000). The triads as business. London: Routledge.

Most of the early Hong Kong triads started as non-criminal mutual-aid groups, which was a

collective response to the exploitation by criminals and monopolization in the labor market. At

first, they started to unite them to protect each other, and eventually it turned out that these

mutual-aid groups became triads to sell protection services.

Morgan, W.P. (1960). Triad societies in Hong Kong, Hong Kong Government.

An authoritative literature of triad societies, published by the Hong Kong Police Force, outlines

the historical development of the structure, subculture, and rituals of traditional triad societies.

It provides the name of a large number of triad societies in Hong Kong.

Schlegel, G. (1866). Thian ti hwui. The Hung league / Heaven-earth-league. Batavia: Lange.

It is a classic historical study of the triad society, known as Thian ti hwui (Heaven and Earth

Society) in the ancient time. It starts with a discussion of the political history of the Hung

League (Hung Mun). There are detailed accounts of structure and subculture, including

instruments of the lodge, poems, government of Hung League with different grades of senior

officers, and use of secret signs with wine cups or chopsticks and on smoking tobacco or

opium.

Stanton, W. (1900). The Triad Society or Heaven and Earth Association. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh.

This book provides a classic historical overview of the triad society named Heaven and Earth

Association in ancient time. It starts with an introduction of the early secret societies such as

the White Lotus and examined triad society in and outside of China. There are detailed

accounts of triad origin, rituals, initiatory ceremonies, certificates of membership, signs and

tests words.

Organizational Structure

From the literature, there are three approaches to examine the structure of triad organized crime:

structural approach, social network approach, and social capital approach. Chin 1990 examined the

similarities between the structure of Hong Kong triads and that of ancient Chinese secret societies,

such as Hung Gang and Ching Gang, to explain how the ancient Chinese secret societies influence

triad development. Zhang and Chin 2008 argued that the criminal underworld in China is growing along

two spate dimensions: first, transnational organized crime syndicates are operated by individuals tied

by personal (social, familial, ancestral) networks developed in their hometown, while the second one is

locally based criminal organizations with specific dominated turfs and shared rituals. Morgan 1960

sketched out the traditional triad structure as rigid and hierarchical. Chu 2000 portrayed that triads in

Hong Kong are neither centrally organized nor highly disorganized. Triad society is not a single

hierarchical entity, but a loose cartel which consists of numerous autonomous societies which share

similar organizational structure and adopt similar rituals to bind members together. Lo 2012 found

triads used a spider’s web structure to absorb young people into youth gangs and then tide them into a

"big brother and follower" relationship, which is a common tactic for controlling youth gangs and recruit

junior members into triad societies. Xia 2008 argued that the operations of contemporary organized

criminal groups in China are based more on networking than the traditional triad hierarchy and

contractual relationships in illicit markets. Williams and Godson 2002 outlined five models, including

economic, political, strategic, sociological, and composite models, as the knowledge base in organized

crime. Further classifying the sociological model into cultural, ethnic network, and social network

models, they place Chinese triads in the cultural model because of the triad subculture, involving

rituals, oaths, secrecy, loyalty and brotherhood. McKenna 1996 contended that the centralization of

triad societies is low as most of the triad-related organized crime is committed by a faction of a

particular triad society, led by its area boss or the “red pole” (fighting officer) rather than being

commanded by the headquarters led by the dragon head. Chin 1995 argued that the structure of triads

is loosely organized, self-interest driven instead of emphasis on collectivism. There is lack of central

control over the operation of their branches. Lo 2010 argued that both traditional structural approach

and social network approach fail to fully explain triad organized crime in China because political

dynamics is involved. Lo proposed a social capital perspective to examine how the triad leaders

converted the social capital they developed in mainland China into economic capital through

illegitimate means in the stock market.

Chu, Y.K. (2000). The triads as business. London: Routledge.

The triad societies are generally controlled by small hierarchical pyramids led by area bosses

at district level, and connected with each other under the same triad society. Although each

society has central management, the leaders are rather symbolic figures rather than

possessing power in controlling the entire organization. As triads are decentralized and

operate independently, the linkage between Hong Kong and overseas triads is weak and they

are mostly connected through informal network.

Chin, K. (1990). Chinese subculture and criminality: Non-traditional crime group in America. Westport:

Greenwood Press.

The book starts with describing and comparing the recruiting practices, organizational

development, and activities of ancient secret societies, then analyzing how they were

degenerated into the Hong Kong triads. It also provides a critical examination of the

transformation of Hong Kong triads from highly organized groups to disorganized groups.

Chin, K. (1995). Triad society in Hong Kong. Transnational Organized Crime, 1(1) 47-64.

Instead of following the footprint of classical triad literature in describing the hierarchical

organizational structure of triads, the paper provides an alternative view of modern triads from

the perspective of western reporters and law enforcement. It also provides a brief overview of

the nature and background of different triad societies in Hong Kong.

McKenna, J. J. (1996). Organized Crime in the Royal Colony of Hong Kong. Journal of Contemporary

Criminal Justice. 12(4), 316-328.

The paper provides an analysis of monographs, interviews, official reports obtained from the

Hong Kong Royal Police and the US enforcement agencies, as well as authoritative local

printed media on Chinese organized crime. It reveals that the centralization of triad societies is

low.

Williams, P., and Godson, R. (2002), ‘Anticipating Organized and Transnational Crime’, Crime, Law

and Social Change, 37: 311-355.

The paper argues that although triad subcultural elements and norms have been diluted today

and triads are more disorganized, guanxi or reciprocal obligation still exists and provides a

basis for the global activities of Chinese criminals. Triad members treat obligation as an

imperative even if they span generations and continents.

Xia, M. (2008), ‘Organizational Formations of Organized Crime in China: Perspectives from the State,

Markets, and Networks’, Journal of Contemporary China, 17 (54): 1–23.

Xia suggested that triad structure is horizontal rather than vertical, and more resilient and

adaptive to external environment. Such structure facilitates its movement outside their

homeland to Southeast Asia and the United States, and benefit from participating in

transnational organized crime (e.g. drug and human smuggling).

Zhang S.X. & Chin K. (2008). Snakeheads, Mules, and Protective Umbrellas: A Review of Current

Research on Chinese Organized Crime, Crime. Law and Social Change, 50, 177-195.

The paper contends that the structural deficiency perspective emphasizes that hierarchical

structure hinders triad involvement in the fluid nature of transnational organized crime and the

cartwheel network perspective explains the superiority of personal network or task force

orientation in transnational organized crime. It is argued that it is difficult for the triad

organizations to be involved in transnational organized crime.

Lo, T.W. (2010). Beyond social capital: Triad organized crime in Hong Kong and China. British Journal

of Criminology, 50, 851-872.

The paper uses social capital theory to analyze the operation of the Sun Yee On triad.

Bonding social capital refers to the structural and cohesive triad organization. Bridging social

capital refers to the connections and interactions between different triad societies and

business enterprises. Linking social capital refers to the interaction with triad leaders and

senior Chinese officials. The triads use such social capital to develop legitimate and

illegitimate business opportunities in China.

Lo, T.W. (2012). Triadization of youth gangs in Hong Kong. British Journal of Criminology, 52,

556-576.

The paper critically examines how triads control youth gangs and absorbs new blood to

continue their survival across different generations over times. It suggests that through a

spider’s web structure and a big brother and follower relationship, triads provide protection to

youth gangs when conflicts occur between different gangs. Youth gang members are triadized

in both routine and illegal activities.

Subculture

Triad subculture refers to the body of behaviors, attitudes, outlooks, norms, rules, values etc. shared

by triad members. Back in the 1960s, the triad subculture heavily emphasized yiqi (brotherhood) and

loyalty. By creating brotherhood, it helps to strengthen the cohesiveness and solidarity of the triad

community. Chin 1990 provided a critical analysis of triad subculture by comparing the subculture of

ancient Chinese secret societies with modern triad subculture, as well as the subculture shared by

other Chinese criminal groups in the US. He concluded that Chinese criminal organizations such as

triads, tongs, and Chinese street gangs share the same rituals, norms, and values of triad societies,

and regarded members as brothers of same triad family. Chin 1995 further asserted that triad

subculture is a manifestation of Chinese subculture, and a reflection of strain in responding to the

alienated mainstream value and culture in the era of colonial governance. Chu 2000 outlined the

transformation of triad rituals and membership system in modern era and how triads establish their

reputation in the community. Morgan 1960 and Murray 2004 portrayed triad traditions and subculture.

They provided detail description of traditional triad rituals, such as photographs showing costumes of

various ranks of triad members, designation flags, recognition hand signs and seals, along with

detailed scripts for various ceremonies. Bolton and Hutton 1995 described the nature of triad language

as part of triad subculture. Ter Harr 1998 provided critical examination of the historical development of

triad initiation rituals and different narratives on the triad lore in relation to the Southern Chinese culture

and religion. He concluded that the initiation rituals and the foundation of myths serve to establishing

triad identity and brotherhood that bind the members to the organization. The triad community was

constructed as fictive kinship through establishing new identity with rights and obligations, and a new

status in the hierarchical fictive kinship family.

Chin, K. (1990). Chinese subculture and criminality: Non-traditional crime group in America. Westport:

Greenwood Press.

This sociological study of the subculture of the Hong Kong Triads, Tongs and Chinese street

gangs in US Chinatown provides critical examination on the nature of the connection between

triad subculture and Chinese criminality.

Chin, K. (1995). Triad society in Hong Kong. Transnational Organized Crime, 1(1)Spring, pp. 47-64

This article explains the nature of triad subculture and criminality based on the subculture of

violence concept developed by Wolfgang and Ferracuti in 1982.

Chu, Y.K. (2000). The triads as business. London: Routledge.

This book provides an outline of eighteen traditional triad rituals used in the initiation ceremony.

They highlight the process of entering into the triad family and members will start a new life.

They also teach the triad ways of communication and emphasize the punishment of traitors

and the significance of blood brotherhood.

Morgan, W.P. (1960). Triad societies in Hong Kong. Hong Kong Government.

This book provides lots of traditional rituals used by triads, including hand signs, rituals of

initiation ceremony, and even clothing for different ranks. It also provides detail account of

different triad societies and their subsidiaries as well as ranks of triads. This is an official

publication about the rituals of triads and indeed, the most comprehensive one.

Ter Harr, B. J. (1998). Ritual and Mythology of the Chinese Triads: Creating an Identity. Boston: Brill.

The author adopts a religious-cultural perspective in analyzing the nature of triad rituals and

lore used in ancient time. The making of jargons, recognition dialogues, and sign language is

to strengthen internal ties and share common identity. The myths and rituals also provide

legitimacy to triad identity and existence. The author regards the triad lore as socio-political

unit that provides power and legitimacy as a mandate of heaven, and signifies its

independence from the ruling elites.

Bolton, K., & Hutton, C. (1995). Bad and banned language: Triad secret societies, the censorship of

the Cantonese vernacular, and colonial language policy in Hong Kong. Language in Society, 24,

159-186.

The paper critically examines the reason for straight controlling in the use of triad language in

media and the criminalization of the use of triad language.

Murray, D. (2004). The Trouble with Millenarianism: Falun Gong and the Triad Society. Journal of

Comparative Asian Development 3(1): 105-156.

The paper uses the ancient triad society, namely the Heaven and Earth Association, to

examine the phenomena of Chinese millenarianism, in addition to a modern religious but

political society banned by the Chinese government, the Falun Gong. In the appendices of the

paper, there are detailed accounts of the origins of triad society, including synopses on its

ancient history, creation accounts and initiation rituals.

Activities

One common misconception is that triads only engage in criminal activities that involve violence or the

threat of violence. The reality is that triads have been engaged in a variety of licit and illicit businesses.

Chin 1995 provided an evaluation of various roles of triads in different traditional organized criminal

activities, such as heroin trafficking, prostitution, illicit gambling, and extortion. The main activity of

triads in Hong Kong is extortion and they mainly serve as partners and protectors of licit and illicit

business. Based on their empirical study of sex industry in a variety of major cities in Asian countries

and the US, Chin and Finckenauer 2012 concluded that the transnational Chinese sex industry is not

run by any criminal organization. They argued that Chinese prostitutes are not victims of sex exploiters

as perceived in previous literature and the media. Instead, they are active agents seeking economic

opportunities for supporting themselves and families. Chu 2007 also suggested that the change of the

operational structure of sex service industry affects the role of triads in this industry. Although triad

societies are still involved in sex industry, it is a more an individual-controlled business rather than an

organization-controlled business. Chu 2000 argued that the role of triad societies is neither extortion

nor monopolization of illegal goods and services, but to provide protection services to illegal

entrepreneurs for smoothing their operations in a risky business environment. Leong 2002 provided a

critical examination of the role of triads in Macau’s gaming industry, and explained why triads could

successfully infiltrate in its operation through a “bate-ficha system”. The mutual benefit shared among

the triads, casinos, and the Macau colonial government created loopholes in the regulation of the

gaming industry, and provided opportunities for the infiltration of triads in the industry and associated

illicit businesses. McKenna 1996 argued that triad-related organized crime is mostly operated by

“multi-crime syndicates” through co-operation among diverse criminal syndicates, or "criminal

enterprises" in which triad or ex-triad members commit organized crime through manipulation, bribery,

and co-option with different community segments, such as legal professionals, law enforcement, and

legitimate business. Zhang and Chin 2002 provided a critical examination of the operation and

structure of Chinese human smuggling organizations, which is different from the criminal enterprise

approach in understanding Chinese organized crime. Based on their empirical findings, they argued

that there was no involvement of triads in such operation and the use of force was rare. Lo 2010 found

that a notorious triad society was involved in a financial crime by manipulating the stock price of a

Hong Kong Stock Exchange-listed company through an aborted collaborative venture with a giant

Chinese state telecommunication company.

Chin, K. (1995). Triad society in Hong Kong. Transnational Organized Crime, 1(1)Spring, pp. 47-64

The paper suggests that although triads involve in a variety of criminal activities, such as illicit

gambling and prostitution, their involvement is not exclusive and has no tendency of

monopolization. Chin is reserved about the perceived dominant role of triads in global heroin

trafficking, as it is a subculture shared by overseas Chinese communities rather than

exclusively controlled by triads. The paper suggests that the heroin trafficking operation in

western countries is independent from triads.

Chin, K.L. and Finckenauer, J.O. (2012). Selling sex overseas: Chinese women and the realities of

prostitution and global sex trafficking. New York: New York University Press.

This book reveals different forms of prostitution in different countries and various types of sex

industry operators. However, although there are a few unusual cases revealing the limited

involvement of Chinese criminal organizations in smuggling arrangement, there are no large-

or global-scale criminal organizations that are involved in either recruitment or employment of

sex workers.

Chu, Y.K. (2000). The triads as business. London: Routledge.

This book examines the nature and role of Hong Kong triads in the illegal market through

analyzing their operations in a variety of traditional triad businesses, such as extortion,

prostitution, gambling, smuggling, drug dealing and trafficking. It is argued that it is impossible

for any criminal organizations to monopolize the illegal market. Instead, a better interpretation

of the role of triads in illegal market is to their specialization in trading the commodity of

protection.

Chu, Y. K. (2007). Triad involvement in the sex services industry in Hong Kong and its impacts on

Southeast Asia. In Leaveau., A. Investigating the Grey Areas of the Chinese Communities in

Southeast Asia. Bagnkok: Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia.

This paper argues that the role of triad societies in the sex service industry has changed over

times in Hong Kong, from heavily involved in the supply of sex workers and management of

vice establishments in the 1960s-70s, to more involvement in associated businesses, such as

loan sharking to sex workers and offering protection to the industry after the 1980s.

Lo, T.W. (2010). Beyond social capital: Triad organized crime in Hong Kong and China. British Journal

of Criminology, 50, 851-872.

The paper argues that triads made use of the label of patriotic triad to connect with Chinese

officials and state enterprises. It was discovered that triad leaders converted the social capital

they developed in mainland China into economic capital through illegitimate means in the

stock market. They manipulated stock price to achieve financial gain.

Leong, A.V.M. (2002) The ‘Bate-ficha’ Business and Triads in Macau Casinos. Queensland University

of Technology Law & Justice Journal, 2(1): 83-97.

The paper argues that the functions of triads are protectors, who protect the unstable

transactions and agreements, and the benefits of their members and casinos. They provide

sales agents of ‘dead-chips’ to recruit rich people to gamble in VIP rooms and organize other

illicit side-businesses (e.g. loan sharking and sex service) of the gaming industry.

McKenna, J. J. (1996). Organized Crime in the Royal Colony of Hong Kong. Journal of Contemporary

Criminal Justice. 12(4), 316-328.

This paper argues that using social network and brokers (e.g. legal clerks) are common means

for triads to infiltrate into the arena of politics, law enforcement, and the professional fields. In

addition to traditional triad crime, they also have significant influence over some other

legitimate businesses, such as the movie industry and printed media.

Zhang, S. & Chin, K. (2002). Enter the Dragon: Inside Chinese Human Smuggling Organizations,

Criminology, 40(4), 737–68.

Based on findings in New York, L.A., and Fuzhou of China, the paper reveals that the human

smuggling organizations are operated by alien ordinary citizens from a variety of backgrounds.

The structure of smuggling organizations is ad hoc, flexible, and horizontal. They are task

forces with sophisticated division of labor, and developed through familial and social networks,

rather than triad network.

Triads and Youth Gangs

In Hong Kong, triads and youth gangs are intricately linked. Youth gangs refer to groups that are

affiliated with a triad society. As early as the 1980s, the Fight Crime Committee 1986 recognized the

negative impact of triads on young people and proposed changes in the law to tackle the problem. Lo

1992 revealed that public housing estates that house the lower socio-economic groups are a breeding

ground for youth gangs. Due to the high proportion of young people residing in the estates, youth

gangs affiliated with a triad society can be easily formed. Lo 2012 described how youths are triadized

and eventually become triad members through routine and seemingly non-criminal activities. They are

usually involved in more trivial criminal activities when they initially join the gang. As time goes by, they

are eventually promoted to higher ranks after they take part in more sophisticated triad organized

crime. Lo 1993 contended that triad norms and control mechanisms exist to bind young people into the

gangs. Triadization of young people also emerges in Macau. Lo et al. 2013 argues that the uniqueness

of youth gangs in Macau is related to the existence of a quasi-legitimate opportunity structure, which

contains several elements: (1) a criminal subculture developed by the triads with reputational violence

and influence in politics, (2) co-existence of legitimate and illegitimate activities, (3) intolerance of

non-sensible use of violence, and (4) an opportunity for young people to achieve success through vice

and wicked means. So 2011 found that the rise of drug abuse and drug trafficking among young

people in Hong Kong in the 2000s was the result of triad involvement and cooperation between triad

groups in Hong Kong and mainland China. So 2012 further found that youth drug abusers are likely to

become drug user-dealers because of their proximity to the availability of cheap drugs provided by

triad groups.

Fight Crime Committee (1986) A Discussion Document on Options for Changes in the Law and in the

Administration of the Law to Counter the Triad Problem. Hong Kong: Government Printer.

The document mentions that young people are recruited into youth gangs and involved in

spontaneous street crime and violence and occasionally truce talks led by triad office-bearers.

Later, they operate minor criminal rackets and commit a wide variety of criminal activities.

Those who survive this phase will be promoted to be triad office-bearers and commit other

forms of organized crime.

Lo T.W. (1992) Groupwork with Youth Gangs in Hong Kong, Groupwork, 5(1): 58-71.

The paper contends that youth gangs flourish in public housing estates of Hong Kong. They

are protected by triad societies and their activities are heavily influenced by triad subculture.

Triads that run organized crime in the territory have to recruit new blood to replace the older

generation. It proposes a model of outreach social work that works with youth gangs.

Lo, T.W. (2012). Triadization of youth gangs in Hong Kong. British Journal of Criminology, 52, 556-576

The spider’s web structure and "big brother and follower" relationship transmit triad values

through routine activities and enforce norms through threat of violence and emotional support.

Youth members are recruited into triads when they witness and enjoy the benefit of being

protected by the big brother. Once they start to stick with their protectors, they will be more

engaged in criminal activities and eventually triadized.

Lo, T.W. (1993) Neutralization of Group Control in Youth Gangs, Groupwork, 6(1): 51-63.

Triad activities, norms, and control direct youth gang members in what they should do and not

do, thus fostering cohesiveness and unity within the gangs. The paper describes the group

norms and control mechanisms of youth gangs in Hong Kong that reflect the essence of sworn

brotherhood of triad society. It also discusses how these norms and control can be neutralized

by street gang workers.

Lo, T.W., Kwok, S.I. & Cheng, C. (2013) Triadization of young people and quasi-legitimate opportunity

structure in Macau. Paper presented in the International Conference on Asian Organized Crime, Hong

Kong, 2-3 May 2013.

This paper explores the predictive power of triad influence in relation to the known risk factors

of juvenile delinquency, such as family, school, and peers. The result confirms that young

people’s associations with triad societies strongly predict delinquency. Hierarchical regression

analysis shows strong direct and indirect effects of triad influence on delinquent behavior.

Triad influence was also found to mediate the effects of susceptibility to peer pressure, school

attachment, and family conflict.

So, E.C.K. (2011). Social capital and young drug dealers in Hong Kong: A preliminary study. Crime

and Criminal Justice International, 16, 103-126. (in Chinese)

In recent years, the number of young people involved in drug trafficking has multiplied in Hong

Kong and street level drug dealing is controlled by local triad bosses. The paper proposes

that the popularity of drug subculture among young people and the cooperation between triad

groups in Hong Kong and mainland China have contributed to the increasing number of youth

drug dealers in Hong Kong.

So, E.C.K. (2012). Analyzing the Dark Side of Social Capital: Young Drug Abusers Become

User-Dealers. Crime and Criminal Justice International, 18, 37-60. (in Chinese)

Youth drug abusers are often described as passive and irrational victims of their social

surroundings. The paper explores the dynamics behind how youth drug abusers become

user-dealers. It was found that triad societies reinforce the trust, norms of reciprocity, and

network structure of the youth user-dealer groups.

Policing and Regulating Triads

In the 1960-70s, police station sergeants joined hands with major triads to run criminal enterprises in

Hong Kong. As a result, the whole police station was on the take. Lo 1993 claimed that in response to

public outcry, the Independent Commission Against Corruption was established in 1974 and aimed at

fighting police corruption, thus radically changing the grafting culture within the police force. After the

1980s, police-triad alliance was largely non-existent in Hong Kong. The police was devoted to

suppressing triad activities and greatly weakened triad influence in the community. Bolton et al. 1996

critically examined the problems of the Societies Ordinance and its operations by the law enforcement.

They revealed problems in defining triad membership and associated problems in determining

sentences. Similarly, Kwok and Lo 2013 argued that the Societies Ordinance is ineffective in

suppressing triad activities because of ambiguity in the legal definition of triad membership, heavy

reliance on police triad experts with doubtful neutrality, and the use of outdated triad literature in the

prosecution of triad membership related offences. It is suggested that the new Organized and Serious

Crime Ordinance has casted a wider net and provided more extensive investigative power than the

Societies Ordinance. Kwok and Lo 2014 suggested that Hong Kong has been a relatively crime-free

self-administered region of China throughout the last decade because of the existence of the

Independent Commission Against Corruption and anti-triad ordinances. Fight Crime Committee 1986

recorded that the Hong Kong government examined options to make changes in the law and in the

administration of the law to tackle the soaring number of triad activities in the 1970-80s. In particular, a

Triad Renunciation Tribunal was established in 1988 as part of an anti-triad package. Huque 1994

contended that the renunciation scheme offered triad members a chance to break free from triad ties.

However, it ended in failure because of poor responses from triad members. Broadhurst and Lee

2009 noted that because of the tougher anti-triad legislation and enforcement in Hong Kong, as well as

the rapid growth of economy and corruptibility of government officials in China, the displacement of

triad activities is likely to occur. Schloenhardt 2008 provided an analysis of the organized crime

offences in mainland China, Hong Kong and Macau, and examined the adequacy and efficiency of the

regulations in tackling organized criminal groups. Litton 1986 argued that both law and fact are equally

important in prosecuting triad membership offences, but the police triad experts are not reliable.

Fight Crime Committee (1986). A Discussion Document on Options for Changes in the Law and in the

Administration of the Law to Counter the Triad Problem. Hong Kong: Government Printer.

The document concluded that the fine and maximum penalty of 7 years for triad-related crime

had no deterrence effect. It was also difficult to prove triad membership in court, and usually

the arrestees were juvenile offenders. Thus the Societies Ordinance was regarded as a

nebulous concept. Apart from strengthening police supervision and increasing penalty, a Triad

Renunciation Tribunal was proposed.

Lo, T.W. (1993). Corruption and politics in Hong Kong and China. Buckingham & Philadelphia: Open

University Press.

The book examines the censure of corruption in Hong Kong. It explores how anti-corruption

policies and measures evolved in the post-war decades. The creation of the powerful ICAC

was one of the responses of the colonial government to meet popular demand after the fall of

colonial hegemony in line with the rise of Red China in the early 1970s.

Kwok, S.I., & Lo, T.W. (2013). Anti-triad legislations in Hong Kong: Issues, problems and development.

Trends in Organized Crime, 16, 74-94.

The paper suggests that the anti-triad legislation, the Societies Ordinance, fails to reflect the

contemporary triad structure, subculture, and operations in actual practice. It also fails to

combat the core management of triad societies, but scapegoats lower-rank triad youth

members, thus creating injustice and infringing human rights and freedom of expression.

Kwok, S.I., & Lo, T.W. (2014). Crime and its control in Hong Kong. In L. Cao, I. Sun, & B. Hebenton

(Eds.), The Routledge handbook of Chinese criminology (pp.284-294). New York: Routledge.

The paper contends that the low crime rate in Hong Kong reflects the success of proactive and

integrated strategies of combating corruption in the government, especially syndicated police

corruption, controlling triad activities, community policing, and crime prevention measures

developed gradually over the last three decades.

Broadhurst, R. & Lee, K.W. (2009). The transformation of triad ‘dark societies’ in Hong Kong: The

impact of law enforcement, socio-economic and political change, Security Challenges, 5(4), 1-38.

The paper examines the impact of the improved legislations against organized crime in Hong

Kong, and how the political and socioeconomic changes in both Hong Kong and mainland

China affect the patterns, scales, forms, and visibility of triad organized crime.

Bolton, K., Hutton, C., & Ip, P. (1996). The speech-act offence: Claiming and professing membership

of a triad society in Hong Kong. Language and Communication, 16, 263-290.

This article examines the problems of law enforcement and operation of the Societies

Ordinance, including inconsistent and unclear counting method in measuring triad-related

crime, over-reliance on police triad experts, and outdated literature in defining triad

membership. This fails to reflect the reality and tends to be biased towards law enforcement.

Litton, H. (1986). So-called 'triad experts'. Hong Kong Law Journal, 16, 3-7

The paper points out the problems in prosecuting triad membership-related offences, such as

the unreliability of police officers in giving expert opinions and the use of outdated authoritative

triad literature in determining triad membership in court.

Huque, A. S. (1994). Renunciation, De-Stigmatization & Prevention of Crime in Hong Kong, The

Howard Journal of Criminal Justice, 33(4), 338-351.

The paper concludes that the triad renunciation scheme was a failure because of the small

number of applications and successful renounced triad members. The scheme was described

as ineffective because of its temporary nature and shortage of staff.

Schloenhardt, A. (2008). Taming the triads: Organized crime offences in PR China, Hong Kong and

Macau. Hong Kong Law Journal, 38, 645-685.

The paper argues that the organized crime offences in mainland China, Hong Kong and

Macau are mostly local answers to local problems, which inhibits cooperation and extradition

with other countries. The traditional organized crime offences were developed based on the

rituals and subculture (e.g. insignia and language) of triad societies, which are badly suited to

capture other form of criminal syndicates.

Transnationalization of Triad Organized Crime

Chu 2000 examined the challenges to triad expansion in the global criminal market and the possibility

of transplantation of triad activities to western countries. He argued that the level of triad involvement in

transnational organized crime is restricted to level of individual triad members rather than the level of

whole triad organization. Chu 2002 argued that the involvement of Hong Kong triads in transnational

Chinese organized crime has been exaggerated by western governments. The crime requires huge

capital, expertise, management skills, and business connections, but triads are lack of these

advantages. Curtis et al. 2002 provided an overview of triad involvement in transnational organized

crime in a number of countries, and argued that triads are varied in size and structure in accordance

with the characteristics of the hosting countries, but they share similar traditional triad structure.

Dombrink and Song 1996 assessed the possibility of triad exodus to the West after the handover of

sovereignty of Hong Kong to China in 1997. They were reserved about triad exodus to western

countries due to a variety of factors, including tougher law enforcement, punishment, and strict

immigration policy in the U.S.. Finckenauer and Chin 2004 concluded that although Hong Kong has

been regarded as an international entrepot hub of illicit goods since 1980s, the role of triads in

transnational organized crime is limited. Even though triad-related cross-border crime is common

between Hong Kong and mainland China, transplantation of triads outside Hong Kong is uncommon

and only limited to the gaming industry in Macau. Gastrow 2001 provided a comprehensive

examination of the structure and operation of licit and illicit activities of triads and other Chinese

criminal organizations in South Africa. Triads in South Africa are working independently from Hong

Kong, while occasional cooperation exists between different groups for exchanging expertise and

resources that is mutually beneficial to each other. Lintner 2004 examined the nature of triad organized

crime in Hong Kong and portrayed it as an agent between businessmen and street gangs, but he

rejected the idea that triads have played a major role in committing organized crime in the global arena.

The structural deficiency perspective of Zhang and Chin 2003 contends that the complex and rigid

hierarchical structure of triad societies enhances operation in local territories, but hinders them from

operating effectively outside their area of origin and stymies their transplantation to a new territory

overseas.

Zhang, S. & Chin, K. (2003). The Declining Significance of Triad Societies in Transnational Illegal

Activities: A Structural Deficiency Perspective, British Journal of Criminology, 43, 469-88.

The paper contends that transnational organized crime perpetrators are individuals with

varieties of background and collaborate through ad hoc social network in response to the

dynamic operational environment, rather than bounded by any hierarchical triad structure. It

concludes that the organizational characteristics of triads are incompatible with the dynamic

nature of transnational organized crime.

Chu, Y.K. (2000). The triads as business. London: Routledge.

The book contends that the socioeconomic backgrounds of Hong Kong triad members, such

as low SES and criminal records, make them difficult to migrate to overseas countries. The

nature of triad activities, the use of violence for profit, and the ethnic homogeneity of social

network (i.e. restricted social network due to language and cultural barrier) are barriers for

triads to excel their influence in overseas markets, thus hindering their involvement in

transnational organized crime.

Chu, Y.K. (2002). Global triads: myths or reality. In M. Berdal and M. Serrano (Eds.) (2002).

Transnational Organized Crime and International Security: Business as usual (pp.183-193). Boulder:

Lynne Rienner Publication.

This paper suggests that Chinese transnational organized crime is run by Asian ethnic groups

or non-triad Chinese with social network and capital. Although some triad members are

involved in transnational organized crime, the perpetrators are neither directly associated with

nor controlled by Hong Kong triads. Perpetrators are bounded by personal relationships rather

than triad membership.

Curtis, E. G., Elan, S. L., Hudson, R. A. and Kollars, N. A. (2002). Transnational Activities of Chinese

Crime Organizations. Trends in Organized Crime, 7, 19-59.

The paper argues that triads are mainly involved in human and drug trafficking, and

occasionally involved in fraud, money laundering, and counterfeit product in some Northern

and Southeast Asian countries. Temporary, ad hoc collaboration between triads and other

ethnic criminal groups in committing transnational organized crime is common in Australia,

Canada, United States, Japan, and Germany.

Dombrink, J., & Song, J.H.L. (1996). Hong Kong after 1997: Transnational Organized Crime in a

Shrinking World. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 12(4), 239-339

Authors argue that there is a possibility for triads to involve in transnational organized crime

and transfer operation overseas through affiliated network and bank secrecy. They list a few

reasons for pushing triads away from their operations in Hong Kong, including escalating local

law enforcement, keen competition from mainland criminal syndicates, and intolerance of

triads from China.

Finckenauer, J. O & Chin, K. (2004). Asian Transnational Organized Crime & Its Impact of the United

States: Developing A Transnational Crime Research Agenda: A Final Report. Washington, D.C.:

National Institute of Justice.

The report regards triads to be territorial-based, and their sphere of influence is restricted to

their own turf. Drug trafficking at wholesale level is mostly operated by loosely organized

individuals rather than systematically operated by triads. Triad involvement in the drug industry

is more active in retail distribution at street-level. The relationship between triads and

transnational organized crime is tenuous and restricted to cooperation at the level of individual

triad members.

Gastrow, P. (2001). Triad Societies and Chinese Organized Crime in South Africa. Institute for Security

Studies, Paper 48.

The paper uses case examples to illustrate how triads started developing their territory in

South Africa, in particular, how triad membership helped in building up social capital for

developing licit and illicit business, and how they made use of the social network established

between overseas and local Chinese criminal syndicates in committing transnational

organized crime.

Lintner, B. (2004). Chinese Organized Crime. Global Crime, 6(1), 84-96.

The paper contends that although many triads use the same brand name in different regions,

they are not directly associated with the Hong Kong triads, and thus should not be regarded as

the extension of the triad network. It is argued that the reason for using the triad name is to

fence off local organized or disorganized criminal rivals in other regions.

Mainlandization of Triad Organized Crime

Since the transfer of sovereignty to China under the principle of ‘one country, two systems’, Hong Kong

has experienced a process of mainlandization or sinofication of its political, economic, and legal

systems. Mainlandization is referred to as economically more reliant on the support of mainland China.

Lo and Kwok 2013 used the analogy of ‘vacuum cleaner’ to describe mainlandization of triad crime in

the new century because once the hover starts, the current is so strong that everything will be sucked

into it. Because of the lucrative profit, triads are pulled into mainland China. Lo 2009 examined how the

economic liberalization in mainland China and the increasing economic integration between Hong

Kong and mainland China created new patterns of trans-border crime that facilitates the collaboration

between Hong Kong triads and mainland criminals. The use of guanxi for building up alliance between

triads and officials in China creates difficulties for law enforcement to control cross-border crime. Chu

2005 expressed his reservation on the possibility of transplantation of Hong Kong triads. Although he

admitted that triads societies have established power base in south-eastern coastal cities of China,

their involvement in the mainland underworld is only restricted to the participation of individual triad

members rather than the transplantation of the entire triad organization into the mainland. Liu 2001

reported that the Minister of Public Security of China remarked that some triad members were patriots,

and there could be business collaboration between senior officials and triad leaders. Lo 2010

explained that it is because the Chinese Communist Party used a ‘united front’ tactic to incorporate

triad leaders into the establishment so as to serve national interest, such as preventing the emerge of

black-gold politics, as suggested by Chin 2003, in Hong Kong after 1997. Eventually triads used this

convenience to expand their network with mainland enterprises and criminal groups. Broadhurst 2012

contended that the Chinese government has been aware of the potential risk of triad displacement to

the mainland and amended its Criminal Law in 2002. Article 294 stipulates that triad members outside

China trying to recruit members or develop a triad branch in China will be sentenced to imprisonment.

Broadhurst, R. (2012). Chinese ‘Black Societies’ and triad-like organized crime in China. In F. Allum &

S. Gilmour (Eds.). Handbook of Transnational Organized Crime (pp.157-171). Routledge: London.

The paper suggests that the Chinese government has paid close scrutiny to the displacement

of triad organized crime and development of ‘triad-nature’ activities in the mainland. How

effective the law, procuratorate, and public security organs are in controlling triad activities in

the mainland is a major concern.

Chin, K. (2003), Heijin: Organised Crime, Business, and Politics in Taiwan. NY: M.E. Sharpe.

The book examines heijin zhengzhi (or black-gold politics) in Taiwan. Triad gangs (black) join

hands with businessmen (gold) to run local elections. Alongside the traditional organized crime,

triads are involved in manipulating the outcome of local elections or even standing for public

office. Eventually, they are able to penetrate into the political arena and obtain power to serve

their own interests.

Chu, Y.K. (2005). Hong Kong triads after 1997, Trends in Organized Crime, 8/3, 5-12.

The paper argues that expansion of triad influence into mainland China is less likely to occur

due to the well-established networks between corrupt government officials and criminal groups

in the mainland. The issue of ethnic and difference in dialect also hinder the transplantation of

triads into the mainland.

Lo, S. (2009). The Politics of Cross Border Crime in Greater China: Case Studies of Mainland China,

Hong Kong, and Macao. Armonk: NY: M. E. Sharpe.

The book suggests that the weak local governance in mainland China, the absence of

extradition agreements, and the difference in jurisdiction between Hong Kong and mainland

China provides opportunities for Hong Kong triads to expand their influence in the mainland to

run illicit businesses, such as prostitution, drug trafficking, smuggling, kidnapping, debt

collection, and illegal gambling.

Liu, B. (2001). The Hong Kong Triad Societies: Before and After the 1997 Change-Over. Hong Kong:

Net e-Publishing.

The book is a general overview of triad history, activities, and politics. However, there is a

chapter that describes the relationship between triad societies and Chinese officials, providing

information regarding the mainlandization of triads.

Lo, T.W. (2010). Beyond social capital: Triad organized crime in Hong Kong and China. British Journal

of Criminology, 50, 851-872.

This paper documents three reasons for the use of united front tactic and patriotic triad label by

the Chinese government, such as closing the Yellow Bird Action, soliciting the help of triads in

upholding Hong Kong’s law and order in the run-up to 1997, and preventing the infiltration of

Taiwanese secret societies into Hong Kong because of Taiwan’s model of black-gold politics.

Lo, T.W., & Kwok, S.I. (2013). Triads and Tongs. In Gerben Bruinsma & David Weisburd (Eds.),

Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice (pp.5332-5343). New York: Springer.

The paper suggests that mainland China provides ample opportunities for triads to take

advantage from its economic prosperity because of monopoly of power, corruptibility of

officials, absence of the rule of law, weak civic society, censored mass media, and the

existence of protective umbrella where criminal syndicates can bribe officials in exchange for

protection.